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ETHNICITY,
STATE AND IDENTITY: FROM CONFRONTATION TO CO-EXISTENCE.
contd...
In
case of Assam there are substantial numbers of people who prefer
to call both as an Indian as well as Assamese and while some of
them preferred to have one identity. This has come into picture
from a survey by the Centre For the Study of Developing Societies
(CSDS), New Delhi. The question that was asked was -- how do you
identify yourself? It is very clear from the above date the
people of Assam would more prefer to call themselves as Assamese
or both as Assamese and Indian. What it clearly establishes is people
believe in a more federal identity than one political identity.
| |
Frequency |
Percent |
Valid percent |
| Assamese |
596 |
38.5 |
38.5 |
| Assamese and Indian |
336 |
21.7 |
21.7 |
| Indian |
444 |
28.7 |
28.7 |
| Other identities |
135 |
8.7 |
8.7 |
| DK |
38 |
2.5 |
2.5 |
| Total |
1549 |
100.0 |
100.0 |
The same survey was again conducted
by CSDS in the year 2006-March . The main findings of this survey
is as follows-
- 39 % of the total surveyed
considers them as only Indian.
- 14.7% considers them to be
only Assamese.
- 41% consider both as Indian
and Assamese.
CONTESTING XENOPHOBIC AND REGRESSIVE
ETHNICITY:
Struggles over identity can
also lead to regressive and xenophobic policies that retard human
development. They can encourage a retreat to conservatism and a
rejection of change, closing off the infusion of ideas and of people
who bring cosmopolitan values and the knowledge and skills that
advance development. For it is often the suppression of culturally
identified groups that leads to tensions. The UNDP report 2004 makes
a case for respecting diversity and building more inclusive societies
by adopting policies that explicitly recognize cultural adopting
policies that explicitly recognize cultural differences—multicultural
policies individuals have to shed rigid identities if they are to
become part of diverse societies and uphold cosmopolitan values
of tolerance and respect for universal human rights.
Thus, what needs to be contested
is the craze for mono-ethnic homeland that is exclusionary and does
not bear the existence of others. In North-east India the craze
for ethnic exclusiveness and reorganizing space in exclusive ethnic
terms has created a tussle between the State and community on the
one hand and the community-community on the other hand. The clash
over Nagalim or ‘Greater Nagaland’ and reaction by the ethnic groups
in Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh; the reaction of the
Non-Bodos like the Koch-Rajbangshi, the Rabhas etc. in the Bodo
Territorial Council , the recent Karbi-Dimasa clash in Karbi Anglong
are a few examples of such quest for exclusive home land.
The State by creating innumerable tribal district councils accentuates
such tendency for exclusivity by relying on a ‘tribal to tribal’
approach. While the existing identities as of now will have
to be recognized, fragmentation will have to be halted . Or else
we may soon end up facing innumerable demands for tiny home republics.
Though the contemporary world appears to be completely divided on
ethnic lines yet the parochialism of the ethnic orientation should
not be overlooked. The universal humanitarian values take a back
seat when the reality is perceived from ethnic point of view. The
exclusive rights claimed by the ethnic identities on the basis of
indigenous status are also problematic because no community can
conclusively prove that they are the original inhabitant of an area.
They can merely claim. The evidence about authenticity is rather
insufficient and definitely not verifiable.
What is missing
in such mono ethnic territorial space is effective communication
among the communities. The recent ethnic clashes between the Karbis
and Dimasas in Karbi Anglong that had claimed about more than 100
lives make us the need to think about inter ethnic accommodation.
Surgical vivisection of territorial space into some mono-ethnic
homelands seems to be the guiding principles of ethnic politics
in Northeast India today. Viewed thus, our solution to conflicts
is marked by the same craze for reorganizing the space– albeit according
to the same binary principle. The prospects of peace according to
this discourse are decided in a game that is admittedly of zero-sum
character. In the midst of such uncertainties the state is believed
or legitimized to play a dominant role as it goes to the old dictum
of liberalist principle of the State as the neutral umpire among
contending forces. Thus a conflict between the State and community
becomes a conflict between communities. In this tussle between justice
and justice –injustice seems to be the end result.
ETHNIC
IDENTITY FROM LIABILITY TO CO-EXISTENCE:To consider the ethnicity based
identity as an asset in NE India, the following steps need to be considered---Constitution of a State
Social Council- may be in the line of upper house. Question
is to how we can accommodate the burgeoning demand of the ethnic groups.
For that we need to explore socio-political structure that can satisfy
the Bodos, the Rabhas, the karbis, the Dimasas, the Tiwas, the Chutias,
the Koch-Rajbangshi, the Tai-Phakes, The Matak and Moran, the Ahoms,
and the minority groups like the Bengali Hindus, the Muslims, the
Nepalis and the Adivasis . Even the smaller groups like Singphos,
Tai-Phakes, Lichus and others would soon take up arms—because their
main grievance is they are not being heard. Unless we
work out a comprehensive structure that can at least satisfy the basic
socio-cultural and economic there will be continuous turmoil in the
state. Thus how the Asomiya middle class and elite accommodate their
demands and the growing aspirations of the smaller groups and nationalities
will be the single most factors that might generate violent conflict
in Assam.  
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